1862
JOB BENJAMIN AND THE BATTLE OF FORT DONELSON
Company C -- 76th Ohio Volunteer infantry Regiment (Colonel William Burnam Woods) -- 3rd Brigade (Colonel John Milton Thayer) -- 3rd Division (Brigadier General Lewis Wallace) -- Military District of Cairo (Brigadier General Ulysses Simpson Grant).1
While Union forces in the eastern theater were slowed by overly cautious leaders (namely General George McClellan), the Union forces in the west were led by officers who had a clearer mission and a better strategy. "Whatever nation gets control of the Ohio, Mississippi and Missouri Rivers," wrote William Tecumseh Sherman, "will control the continent." 2
In September of 1861, Brigadier General Ulysses Simpson Grant was given command of the District of Southeast Missouri, headquartered in Cairo, Illinois.3 Shortly thereafter, he ordered Federal troops to seize Paducah, Kentucky, thereby giving the Union army control over two important waterways -- the Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers. By early 1862, General Grant had established new objectives downstream along these two rivers -- the Confederate strongholds of Fort Henry and Fort Donelson in northern Tennessee.4
Job A. Benjamin, aged 32, was part of the Union force that was brought to Tennessee to capture these rebel forts. Entering the Civil War as a private in Company C of the 76th Ohio Volunteer Infantry, Job Benjamin left his camp near Newark, Ohio in early February of 1862, bound for Paducah, Kentucky. Once there, his 76th Ohio was sent down the Cumberland River to a landing just north of Fort Donelson, where General Grant's Union army was stationed. Job Benjamin's regiment arrived on Thursday, February 13, 1862 and, along with other available regiments, was immediately formed into a 3rd Division of Grant's Army, commanded by Brigadier General Lew Wallace.5
Exactly one week before Job Benjamin's arrival, General Grant's forces had attacked nearby Fort Henry, situated on the Tennessee River, and had captured it after a short and nearly bloodless battle. Most of the Confederate soldiers at Fort Henry escaped to Fort Donelson, just 12 miles to the east, with the Union army in hot pursuit. With the addition of the new regiments, General Grant's army now numbered 27,000.6 The 3rd Division, containing the 76th Ohio, occupied the center of a Union line that was now poised to assault Fort Donelson.7
But compared with Fort Henry, Fort Donelson was a much more formidable stronghold. Built on a bluff overlooking the Cumberland River, it consisted of earthworks surrounding about fifteen acres of land. Two miles of fortifications ringed the earthworks and the nearby hamlet of Dover, Tennessee.8 Thirteen large guns protected by embrasures guarded the fort. Rifle pits, felled trees, ditches, and water bogs surrounded Fort Donelson and made it a very defensible location for the rebel soldiers inside.9 Making the situation even more difficult, the weather turned sharply colder during the evening of February 13th, bringing in blizzard conditions and subfreezing temperatures to a Union army that was ill-prepared for such conditions.10
Despite the frigid weather, General Grant ordered a gunboat assault of the fort on February 14th, which failed. Union troops now settled in for a siege, hoping to patiently force the rebels to surrender. Since campfires were prohibited to avoid detection by enemy pickets, February 14th was another bitter cold and sleepless night for many of the Union soldiers encircling Fort Donelson.11
Inside the fort, Confederate leaders realized that the Union army was only getting larger and their own supplies were only getting shorter. Something had to be done. At dawn on Saturday, February 15, 1862, the Confederates attacked the Union right flank with devastating force. Their object was to break out of Fort Donelson and escape through the Federal lines to reach Charlotte, Tennessee, nearly 100 miles to the southeast. The Confederates under Brigadier General Gideon Pillow surged ferociously onto the Union right flank, forcing it backwards. With the Union right flank in retreat, General Lew Wallace made the brave and important decision to send his division (with the 76th Ohio) to reinforce the Union position and oppose the enemy assault.
General Wallace's decisive action, along with the return of General Grant, who had been absent from the fighting while he consulted his gunboat commander, turned the momentum of the battle in favor of the Union.12 Rallied by General Grant's return, the federals fought to retake their lost ground and began an assault of their own on the opposite end of their line (i.e. the Union left).
The Confederate breakout attempt failed, and they were forced to return to their defensive positions that night. On February 16, 1862, Confederate forces within Fort Donelson accepted General Grant's "ungenerous" terms of unconditional surrender. Upon hearing this, northern newspapers declared that they now knew what the initials "U.S." in General Grant's name stood for -- "Unconditional Surrender Grant." 13
The Battle of Fort Donelson was the first major Confederate defeat of the Civil War.14 Despite 2,832 killed or wounded soldiers, the Union army could claim the capture of 15,000 Confederate prisoners, weaponry and equipment.15 More importantly, the victory gained all of Kentucky and most of Tennessee for the Union and heralded the emergence of Ulysses Grant as a major player in the Civil War.16
JOB BENJAMIN AND THE BATTLE OF SHILOH
Company C -- 76th Ohio Volunteer Infantry Regiment (Colonel Charles Robert Woods) -- 3rd Brigade (Colonel Charles Henry Whittelsey) -- 3rd Division (Brigadier General Lewis Wallace) -- Army of the Tennessee (Brigadier General Ulysses Simpson Grant).17
With the surrender of Forts Henry and Donelson, the Confederacy lost control of two vital waterways and the valuable services of 15,000 soldiers that were taken prisoner by Union troops. Confederate forces were forced to withdraw to Corinth, in northernmost Mississippi. There they gathered strength and planned a strategy to defend their vital railroad supply line, regain parts of Tennessee, repel the invading Union armies, and redeem themselves on the battlefield. Their strategy would set the stage for the first great bloody battle of the Civil War -- Shiloh.18
The Battle of Shiloh, fought in early April of 1862, was an extremely hard-fought, two-day battle waged near the town of Pittsburg Landing, Tennessee, situated on the Tennessee River just north of the Mississippi state line. Union troops commanded by Ulysses Grant, numbering 42,000, were camped in wooded ravines waiting for Major General Don Carlos Buell's Army of the Ohio to join them.19 Once these two armies were united, Grant planed to advance them into Mississippi. Fully aware of the Union threat, Confederate General Albert Sydney Johnston knew he had to strike Grant's forces before the Army of the Ohio could arrive. On Sunday morning, April 6, 1862, the Confederates attacked, driving back the drowsy and utterly surprised Union army. All day long, the Union soldiers fought a losing battle as they were repeatedly driven from one defensive position to another.
Eight out of ten soldiers on both sides had never been in combat before. A veteran of Fort Donelson tried to rally his Illinois farm boys by saying "It's just like shooting squirrels, only these squirrels have guns, that's all." 20 The Union's right and left flanks were pushed back by the determined rebel assault. If it weren't for the valiant Union defense at a place thereafter known as the "Hornet's Nest" (a thicket-rimmed sunken road in the center of the Union line), the battle of Shiloh may have become a major Union disaster. Held for nearly six hours by southern Illinois farm boys under the command of Brigadier General Benjamin Prentiss, the "Hornet's Nest" was finally forced to surrender at 5:30 that evening.21 Despite their ultimate surrender, Union soldiers at the "Hornet's Nest" had greatly helped the Union cause by wasting their opponents' valuable time. More time was lost by the sheer logistics of surrendering 2,200 men to Confederate forces. Darkness finally brought an end to the first day's fighting at Shiloh. The rebels had proven their fighting ability, and were confident that they could "finish off the Yankees in the morning." 22
During that first day at Shiloh, General Lew Wallace's 3rd Division, now containing about 5,000 men including the 76th Ohio Infantry, was positioned at the extreme right of the Union line, five miles downriver (to the north) of Grant's main force, at a place called Crump's Landing.23 Job Benjamin's 3rd Brigade was positioned on the far end of a line extending 2 1/2 miles westward from Crump's Landing.24 The 3rd Division had been stationed there because General Grant felt that the enemy was more likely to capture Crump's Landing, where most of the Union's transports and stores were kept, than Pittsburg Landing.25 He was mistaken.
As soon as General Grant realized that the main rebel assault was directed at Pittsburg Landing instead, he ordered the 3rd Division to march southward to join the main army. Not knowing that the division had already advanced a short distance out of Crump's Landing in response to enemy fire, Grant ordered their division "to follow the nearest road." No longer positioned near the Tennessee River, General Wallace's division followed the wrong road, which they soon discovered was blocked by enemy forces. The division had no choice but to backtrack their course, all but ensuring that they would not arrive for the first day's fighting.26 During this forced roundabout march, the soldiers of Job Benjamin's division were constantly exposed to enemy fire.27 The Company C Muster Roll for March/April, 1862 confirms that Job Benjamin was present.28
The first day of the Battle of Shiloh had not been a good one for the Union army. The Union Army of the Tennessee had been forced to retreat three miles. Four Union divisions had suffered heavy losses and one division had been nearly destroyed, along with large quantities of camp supplies and ammunition.29 That night, General Sherman commented to General Grant, "we've had the devil's own day, haven't we?" Grant replied, "Yes, Lick 'em tomorrow." 30
General Grant was correct. The second day of the Battle of Shiloh -- Monday, April 7, 1862 -- was an absolute reversal of the first day. The Union army, reinforced that night by General Buell's Army of the Ohio and General Wallace's 3rd Division marching in from Crump's Landing, attacked the weary Confederate army at dawn. The Union army drove the rebels back through the same woods they had fought the day before. Confederate General Pierre Gustave Toutant Beauregard, who had replaced General Johnston when Johnston was killed during the first day's fighting, ordered his rebel forces back to Corinth, Mississippi, ending the battle of Shiloh.31
The Battle of Shiloh saw 13,047 Union and 11,694 Confederate soldiers either killed, wounded, or missing -- nearly one in four soldiers who participated in battle.32 Adding up the casualties on both North and South, more soldiers were killed at the battle of Shiloh than during the Revolutionary War, the War of 1812 and the Mexican War combined.33 And yet, there would be many more such ferocious battles to fight in the four years ahead.
THE MARCH TO CORINTH
Company C -- 76th Ohio Volunteer Infantry Regiment (Colonel Charles Robert Woods) -- 3rd Brigade (Colonel Charles Henry Whittelsey) -- 3rd Division (Brigadier General Lewis Wallace) -- Reserve Wing, April 21 to late-July, 1862 (Brigadier General John Alexander McClernand); Army of 2nd Territorial District of Eastern Arkansas, after late-July (Brigadier General Alvin Peterson Hovey) -- Army of the Missouri (Major General Henry Wager Halleck).34-A
Major General Henry Wager Halleck, commander of the Union Department of the Missouri, was not pleased with the surprise that had been dealt Union troops at the Battle of Shiloh. On the day after Easter, April 21, 1862, General Halleck arrived on the scene, took overall command away from General Grant, and reorganized the army into a right wing, center wing, left wing, and reserve wing. General John Alexander McClernand's 1st Division was combined with General Lew Wallace's 3rd Division to form the reserve wing, with General McClernand assuming command. General Grant was demoted to second in command of the army's right wing, now commanded by Major General George Henry Thomas.34-B
The debacle at Shiloh and the reorganization of the army had another key effect -- it elevated the status of John Alexander McClernand of Illinois. At the onset of the Civil War, Abraham Lincoln had many reasons to appoint John McClernand as brigadier general. Not only had McClernand served in both the Illinois state legislature and United States Congress with Abraham Lincoln, but the two men's wives were close friends as well. Even more important was the strategic importance of John McClernand's home district of southern Illinois. Anti-Union sentiment was strong in this region, and McClernand's pro-Union stance and popularity were extremely valuable to Lincoln to maintain this region's allegience to the Union cause. Appointed as one of several "political generals" at the onset of the war by Abraham Lincoln in an attempt to maintain hold on the key border states, McClernand used his political influence with Lincoln on numerous occasions during the war. By doing so, McClernand hoped to elevate his standing in the Union army, but in reality, his self-serving nature did him more harm than good in the long run. By ignoring the chain of command and playing directly to the press and the politicians, McClernand seriously undermined his own credibility in the eyes of the more traditional, West Point officers -- in particularly Grant and Sherman.35
On April 30th, the army under General Halleck began its march to Corinth, Mississippi, 22 miles to the southwest. The advance was slow and cautious. By the time they finally arrived there on May 30th, the Confederates had already abandoned the town.36 After a brief stay in Corinth, the 76th Ohio marched 130 miles to Memphis, arriving on June 17, 1862.37 The Company C Muster Roll for May/June, 1862 showed Job Benjamin to be among them.38
On July 21, 1862, William Tecumseh Sherman, who had been promoted to Major General in May, took command of the Territorial District of Memphis .39 At approximately the same time, command of the 3rd Division was transferred from General Wallace to Brigadier General Alvin Peterson Hovey, who commanded the 2nd Territorial District of Eastern Arkansas.40 The 3rd Division, including Job Benjamin's 76th Ohio, proceeded down the Mississippi River on July 24th and encamped near Helena, Arkansas, about 55 miles southwest of Memphis.41
JOB'S LITTLE BROTHER WILSON
While Job Benjamin was fighting for the Union army in Tennessee, younger brother Wilson was back in Illinois probably beginning to think about spring planting. Wilson Benjamin was 20 years old when the Civil War began. Unlike Samuel Kirkman and older brother Job Benjamin, Wilson Benjamin apparently lacked any desire to join the Civil War. Instead, he helped his father Christopher farm the land they had acquired ten years earlier in Peoria County, Illinois. On August 31, 1862, at the age of 21, Wilson Benjamin married Lydia Ann Curtis. Thirteen months later, on September 12, 1863, Lydia gave birth to what would be their only child, a son they named William Jonathan Benjamin.42 With a family to support, Wilson had less reason than ever to join the war.
SAMUEL KIRKMAN ENLISTS
On June 28, 1862, the governors of several northern states, responding to a growing feeling that the Union army was not performing as well as it should, urged the President to press additional troops into service to fill vacancies in the army and to suppress the rebellion. They told the President that the young men in their states were willing to sacrifice life and property for the restoration of the Union and the perpetuity of our free institutions.43
Just three days later, President Lincoln responded to this suggestion by calling for 300,000 more men. As before, enlistment proceeded vigorously in every city and village in the state. Among the Illinois regiments organized under the President's call was the 77th Illinois Volunteer Infantry, which was organized in Peoria.
Despite the fact that he was nine months short of the minimum enlistment age of 18, Samuel Kirkman enlisted for a three-year term on Friday, August 15, 1862 in Kickapoo by Captain Ryanarson.44 The 77th Illinois was comprised of young men from a variety of locations in Central Illinois, including Knoxville, Galesburg, Magnolia, Cazenovia, Lacon, Elmwood, Kickapoo, Metamora, Peoria, Brimfield, Minonk, and Rosefield.45-A
The same day that he joined the regiment, Samuel Kirkman and his fellow enlistees marched from the fairgrounds (located along present day North Reservoir Boulevard in Peoria) down to Camp Lyons, the newly designated name for their assigned campground near the American Pottery Company at 1500 North Adams Street in Peoria.45-B
On Tuesday, September 2, 1862, the 77th Illinois Volunteer Infantry was formally mustered into service in Peoria by Captain Wainwork. Charles Ballance, a prominent citizen of Peoria who had organized the regiment during the summer, was given command of the regiment by Illinois Governor Richard Yates. However, because of Mr. Ballance's advanced age, the command was transferred to the younger David Perkins Grier, who was also well known in Peoria, and who had earlier served with the 8th Missouri Volunteer Infantry at Fort Donelson, Shiloh, and Corinth. Ironically, Colonel Grier's old regiment had followed the same progression of battle as Job Benjamin's regiment, the 76th Ohio.46
From September 3rd until October 4th, the 77th Illinois remained in camp in Peoria. As Private William Bentley of Company I recalled:Our time while in camp was chiefly occupied with company and battalion drill, thereby fitting us for active service in the field ... We were well uniformed in the regulation suit of blue ... and were soon armed with Enfield rifles.47On September 20th, the regiment received a national flag and religious books from the ladies of Peoria. The soldiers also made their first attempts at cooking on their own, supplemented by frequent deliveries of food from lady friends visiting camp. The "happy days" of camp life ended on Saturday, October 4th, when orders were given to the regiment to pack knapsacks and prepare two day's rations for the coming march. The war was about to begin for Samuel Kirkman.48
THE DESERTION OF JOB BENJAMIN
In early August of 1862, the Union Army of the Southwest was reorganized. Job Benjamin's 76th Ohio was assigned to the 2nd Brigade (commanded by Colonel Charles Robert Woods), which in turn was part of the 3rd Division (commanded by Brigadier General Peter Joseph Osterhaus), which in turn was part of the 15th Army Corps (commanded by Major General William Tecumseh Sherman).49
The 76th Ohio was being readied to move down the Mississippi River to take part in an "expedition of observation" in Louisiana.50-A Charles Willison, a private in Company I who later collected his personal letters and recollections to write his wartime memoirs, first joined the 76th Ohio on August 18th, while it was encamped in Helena. He described Helena as a small town, but an important military station on the west bank of the Mississippi River some fifty miles south of Memphis. "The routine of soldier life at Helena was monotonous," he added.50-B However, neither the Louisiana expedition nor the monotonous camp life would concern Private Job Benjamin. For on Sunday, August 10, 1862, Job Benjamin deserted from his camp at Helena, Arkansas.51
Although military and pension records obtained from the National Archives show some details of Job Benjamin's desertion, they do not shed any light on his motivation. Research shows that during the summer of 1862, morale among Union troops was waning. This problem was described by Bell Irvin Wiley in his critically acclaimed book, entitled The Life of Billy Yank:The (military] stalemate and failure [in the eastern campaigns], sickness and suffering, toil and weariness that came with the summer [of 1862] caused a recession [in morale.] Many a Yank lost his enthusiasm, if not his patriotism, in the steaming lowlands near Richmond and New Orleans and the hot hills and valleys of the country about Corinth, Mississippi.52-AIronically, Charles Willison' memoirs described three other soldiers from the 76th Ohio who had deserted two days before Job Benjamin's departure. On September 28th, they were returned to the regiment during an inspection. One was taken to a military prison and the other two were sentenced to six months of hard labor.52-B
There are at least four explanations for Job Benjamin's desertion. One has him returning home sick, another has him attending his brother Wilson's wedding in Illinois, a third has him deserting because of an unspecified problem at home, and the fourth explanation is cowardice. None of these versions can be proved; each version is possible; each version has its share of likelihoods and shortcomings.
Version One has Job Benjamin leaving because of an unspecified illness. Disease, marginal rations and low morale were certainly taking their toll on all soldiers during the summer of 1862. In late July, the weather was "intensely hot" in the southern Mississippi River valley, adding further to the soldier's misery.53 Support for the "illness theory" comes from one piece of evidence found in the National Archives -- the Descriptive List of Deserters Arrested, dated July 22, 1863. This form states that Job Benjamin was arrested on July 22, 1863 in Sylvania, Ohio. It then added the following remarks: "This man was taken prisoner in Arkansas and paroled -- was sent away from regt. and he went home. He was very sick for four months after coming home." Although this version of the incident is certainly more sympathetic to Job Benjamin, it is not supported by any other piece of army evidence. And if he were so sick, why didn't the company muster rolls indicate his illness? Why wasn't he granted a leave to go home if he was that sick? And, most baffling, if he was truly "very sick," why did the army judge him so harshly, call him a deserter, raise the possibility of a general court martial and deny him his pension in later years?
Version Two goes as follows: Job Benjamin had seen more of the war than he wanted to at the battles of Fort Donelson and Shiloh. Like many of his fellow soldiers, he longed to return home. But it may not have been his fear of battle, the scorching heat, or the poor living conditions that prompted Job Benjamin's decision to desert the army -- it may have been his younger brother's wedding in Illinois. In 1852, Job's father, mother, and all his siblings moved to Central Illinois. With the bulk of his family so far away from central Ohio, Job probably rarely, if ever, saw them. Genealogical records show that his younger brother Wilson was married on August 31, 1862 -- exactly three weeks after Job Benjamin's date of desertion.54 A combination of low morale and his brother's upcoming wedding in Illinois may have motivated him to leave his unit to attend his brother's wedding. In short, Job Benjamin may have decided that family obligations outweighed military obligations.
If Version Two is correct, what did Job Benjamin do for the next 11 months? Did he just decide that he had had enough of war and subsequently returned to his own family in Ohio? Perhaps. But, with the exception of the coincidence of dates, this "wedding theory" has no supporting evidence.
Version Three, which similarly has no evidence to support it, assumes that some problem back in Ohio, communicated by his wife's letters, may have prompted Job Benjamin to desert his unit. As Historian Bell Irvin Wiley explains:Letters bringing any sort of bad news from home were apt to be upsetting, and if they told of want, sickness, neglect, or persecution by kinfolk, unfriendliness by neighbors, or indicated a weakening of marital bonds, they might lead to complete demoralization and desertion.55However, with no surviving personal letters, it is impossible to confirm this "problem at home" theory.
Version Four is the simplest and most humiliating explanation of all -- cowardice. The pride that Job Benjamin felt when he volunteered for the army in November of 1861 may have been transformed into discouragement and fear by his constant exposure to death, wounded comrades, rampant disease, terrible conditions, and the prospect of a long and bloody war.
Chances are, we will never know why Job Benjamin deserted and what he did for the 11 months thereafter. Perhaps there are elements of truth in all these theories, but it is difficult to know so many years after the fact.
Whatever his motivation may have been, the sequence of events is clear. Job Benjamin deserted from his unit on August 10, 1862 and remained absent for over one year.56 He was arrested on July 22, 1863 (apparently in Sylvania, Ohio) and turned over to the Provost Marshall in the 13th Congressional District of Ohio.57 From there, he was apparently transported to Cairo, Illinois and turned over to the Provost Marshall of the 10th District of Illinois. Records show his subsequent transport from Cairo to Memphis, Tennessee on or about September 3, 1863 at a cost of $8.30 (apparently borne by the Illinois Provost Marshall).58 On September 18, 1863, Job Benjamin rejoined his unit stationed near Vicksburg, Mississippi.59
As will be described later, Job Benjamin remained with his unit through the Chattanooga Campaign, the Atlanta Campaign, and the Carolinas Campaign. In the Battle of Atlanta in July 22, 1864, Job Benjamin sustained a gunshot wound just above his right eye, which blinded him in that eye.
On June 9, 1865, after the Civil War had ended, Job Benjamin was pardoned and restored to full duty without trial by the Headquarters of the 1st Division of the 15th Army Corps. The threat of a general court-martial no longer apparently stood against him, but the record of his desertion could not be expunged from his military record. Despite this minor triumph, on Monday, June 19, 1865, Job Benjamin deserted again near Louisville, Kentucky.60 This time, the army either did not pursue him or was unsuccessful in finding him.
This second desertion from the army, coming after the end of the Civil War, effectively denied Job Benjamin an honorable discharge and a government pension in his later years. Despite numerous attempts, neither Job Benjamin, nor his widow, were ever able to collect a government pension because of this "black spot" on his army record.
Details of Job Benjamin's war record between September 18, 1863 and the end of the Civil War, including the gunshot wound he sustained in Atlanta, will be described in later chapters of this book.
SAMUEL KIRKMAN HEADS SOUTH FOR KENTUCKY
Samuel Kirkman and the 77th Illinois Volunteer Infantry remained in camp in Peoria until Saturday, October 4th, when it boarded a train in the afternoon. William Wiley, a private in Company F (later transferred to Company C) described the regiment's first surprise of the war in his October 4th journal entry:
On arriving at the depot we found that the accomodations furnished for us in the way of transportation was not exactly what we had expected . . . Our cars were not the modern pallance cars but simply box cars with seats improvised for the occasion around the sides and through the center with rough two inch lumber.61-APrivate William Bentley of Company I described their departure from Peoria:... the farewell kiss enjoyed -- the engine whistled -- the wheels began to revolve, and that long line of cars, filled with soldiers, bound for "Dixie," moved off, leaving home and friends, with all their endearing joys behind.61-BActually, the 77th Illinois was headed for Indianapolis and then on to Cincinnati, Ohio. After arriving at Cincinnati on October 6th, the 77th Illinois crossed the Ohio River on a pontoon bridge and went into camp in the outskirts of Covington, Kentucky.
Also enlisting in the 77th Illinois (as a musician in Company E) was Daniel Burchard Allen, a former surveyor from Elmwood. Soon after arriving in camp, Allen began recording his war experiences in his detailed journal. Unlike the journals kept by William Bentley and William Wiley, Daniel Allen's journal describes the war in a far less positive light. In his seven months with the 77th Illinois, he described, in no uncertain terms, the health challenges he faced, the horrors of war, and the atrocities committed by both sides upon the civilian population.61-C
Upon the regiment's arrival in Covington, Daniel Allen described their trip in a letter to his wife Sarah:We have just arrived here upon the bear naked ground, and no prospect of anything but the cold ground to sleep on tonight, no tents to be had tonight. Well we finally left Peoria about 5 o'clock Saturday afternoon, we were finally stowed away in box cars with nothing but hard bread and cheese to eat, after jolting all night and tried to gnaw some of my hard bread for breakfast. I could not help but wish for a cup of your coffee at home.61-DYet, despite the physical discomfort of his accommodations, Allen noted the friendliness of the civilian population as they passed:Men, women and children came rushing to the cars at every station cheering us as we past, perfect confusion all day long. . . I tell you we were hailed with shouts of joy, the women came out and brought us water, everybody has so far been very kind to us. 61-EOn October 15, 1862, the 77th, 97th, 108th and 112th Illinois Volunteer Infantries were formed into a temporary brigade commanded by Colonel John Coburn of the 33rd Indiana. Colonel Coburn received orders to be ready to march, and forty rounds of ammunition and five days rations were drawn for each man. At noon on October 17th, the forward march began.62 Private William Bentley described the load they carried:We had to carry our blankets, clothing, etc., our haversack with two days' rations, canteen, gun and cartridge-box, the latter containing forty rounds of ammunition, and the whole weighing about sixty pounds.63The division marched from Covington, Kentucky on October 17th and, after being caught in a rare October snowstorm, arrived at Lexington on October 29th.64-A Daniel Allen, whose strong religious and moral views would be well documented in his journal and letters to home, described his disgust for marching on the Sabbath in a letter to his wife:Orders came for us to leave there at 5 o'clock Sunday morning, why we were ordered to start on Sunday I cannot see, only it is the very best way our officers could take to show their contempt for the Sabboth Day. So I had to crawl out at 3 o'clock in the morning, call out the drummers to Reveille, found the snow six inches deep, and the wind as cold as Greenland.64-BThe following day, the division marched on to Richmond, where it arrived on November 2nd. Two months earlier (August 29-30), the Battle of Richmond had been fought, and William Wiley noted that "quite a number of wounded both union and rebel [were still] left in the hospital there." Here, the division remained for several days, enjoying "a beautiful camping ground, light duties and delightful weather." 65-A
Noted in the diaries of Bentley, Wiley, and Allen was the fact that throughout their march through Kentucky, escaped slaves would follow the regiment in ever increasing numbers. As William Bentley described:Whenever an "American citizen of African descent" made his appearance, he was ordered to "fall in," which was done in most instances without reluctance. In this manner he was enticed away from his legal owner -- legal according to the laws of the State, but not legal according to our notions. . . At all events we had quite a regiment of darkies following in our wake, like a troop of boys following an organ grinder.65-BThis tendency to attract escaped slaves was met with a variety of opinions. As Bentley described, some soldiers encouraged this practice, while others actively sought to catch the black runaways and send them on their way. To some in the Union ranks, the 77th Illinois had the reputation of an "abolition regiment" or "nigger regiment." On November 14, Daniel Allen described an order by Division commander Brigadier General A. J. Smith:In the evening an order came from General Smith to turn all the negroes out of our regiment. There were 30 or 40 who had come in since we were in Kentucky. Some of the soldiers and even some of the officers were very indignant at this order, and made some threats about it.65-CWilliam Wiley added,When the word came to the regiment it raised quite an excitement. Our abolition blood got up and the colonel wanted to march back and retake them but the brigade commander [Stephen Burbridge] wouldn't allow him to.65-DNo fighting took place during their sojourn into Kentucky, since there were no enemy forces in the state at the time. Samuel Kirkman's first military campaign of the war turned out to be a march of about 150 miles into the interior of the state and back again. On their return trip, the 77th Illinois marched out of Richmond on November 11th, passed through Frankfort on November 14th and arrived at Louisville on November 17th.66-A
Despite the fact that no fighting had yet occurred, Musician Daniel Allen felt homesick and deprived, and in a letter to home, he confessed,I knew but little what the poor soldier had to endure when I was at home, and I never should have had any idea, had I been contented to stay at home in peace and safety, while others were deprived of the luxuries of a pleasant home. . . Oh my God, when shall I be delivered from witnessing such scenes as I am obliged to witness every day.66-BOn November 20th, the regiment marched to Portland and boarded the steamer "Starlight," bound for Memphis, Tennessee.67-A The river trip was not without its own dangers, as described by William Wiley:We started down the Ohio River the guerillas and bushwackers being very troublesome along the river. We traveled by daylight and tied up and throwed out pickets at night. Their scheme was to shoot the pilots and let the boats run ashore and try to capture them. To prevent that they had to have all the pilots houses lined with heavy boiler iron, a half circle of it on each side of the pilot house.67-BThe steamboat took the division down the Ohio River and arrived in Memphis on November 27th. There it remained until late December, when it was pressed into service for the Union's first assault on Vicksburg, Mississippi.68-AWhile in Memphis, Daniel Allen wrote a lengthy letter to his wife in which he described the various diseases that had begun afflicting his fellow soldiers and replied to his wife's earlier letter by providing instructions on various business and financial matters. He also commented about the common army practice of stealing and plundering from local residents, and he specifically mentioned Samuel Kirkman's Company K:
You say the Company K boys boasts of living high, I am aware that they live pretty well. But I tell you that I am contented to live honest, for I will not steal as long as I can get a hard cracker to eat. I did not come to the Army to steal as some others did but I am bound to keep myself from all the vicious habits that surround me here.68-BIn a subsequent letter to home, Daniel Allen sounded distraught and isolated from his fellow Union soldiers:Oh, my God, I often ask myself the question, can I be among men, or those who profess any degree of civilization! Where is that morality which has been taught by the Savior. Surely none of it is practiced, and it is growing worse every day. I feel I am almost entirely alone, they seem to shun me as they would the pestilence because I am so much opposed to their wickedness, and I try to show them that I will be a Christian soldier.68-C
SAMUEL KIRKMAN AND THE BATTLE OF CHICKASAW BAYOU
Company K -- 77th Illinois Volunteer Infantry Regiment (Colonel David Perkins Grier) -- 2nd Brigade (Colonel William Jennings Landram) -- 1st Division (Brigadier General Andrew Jackson Smith) -- 13th Army Corps (Brigadier General George Washington Morgan) -- Right Wing of Union Army (Major General William Tecumseh Sherman).69
President Abraham Lincoln understood the importance of the Mississippi River. Lincoln had twice followed the Mississippi River past Vicksburg in his youth as a flatboatman, and now he asserted to his commanders that "Vicksburg is the key. The war can never be brought to a close until the key is in our pocket." 70-A Union victory, he and others thought, would not be possible unless the North could seize and control this mighty river and cut the Confederacy in two. In the spring of 1862, a Union naval force of twenty-four ships, under the command of David Farragut, slipped past the rebel forts under cover of darkness, defeated a makeshift squadron of Confederate ships, and forced the surrender of New Orleans. It was a major Union victory and transformed Farragut into a national hero. Confederate President Jefferson Davis remarked that Vicksburg, Mississippi was now "the nailhead that holds the South's two halves together." 70-B
The ever-ambitious political general from Illinois, John McClernand, who had been relegated to a subordinate position since the reorganization of the Union army following the Battle of Shiloh, wanted to command his own army that would capture Vicksburg and secure his place in history. In September of 1862, he submitted a long proposal to President Lincoln that detailed such a proposal. A month later, Lincoln ordered that McClernand could initiate plans to raise an army, organize those troops, and proceed against Vicksburg. McClernand believed he had received from Lincoln an independent command that would report only to the President, but in fact he was only given permission to command an expedition against Vicksburg, subject to the approval of his superiors. Strangely, neither Generals Grant nor Halleck were ever informed of these orders, but they soon found out about McClernand's plans as he began to undertake the logistics of his expedition.70-C
In his book Major General John Alexander McClernand: Politician in Uniform, Richard Kiper suggests that when news of McClernand's plans reached the Union's western commanders (i.e. Grant, Halleck, Sherman and Admiral Porter), they conspired to prevent or delay his Vicksburg expedition. None of these Union commanders thought much of McClernand (or any of the other politically-appointed generals, for that matter) and, in the end, they successfully thwarted McClernand's Vicksburg assault by launching their own.70-D
On December 8, 1862, Major General Ulysses S. Grant wrote to Major General William Tecumseh Sherman about the campaign for Vicksburg:On your arrival at Memphis, you will assume command of all the troops there ... and organize them into brigades and divisions in your own army. As soon as possible, move with them down the river to the vicinity of Vicksburg, and with the cooperation of the gunboat fleet under command of Flag Officer Porter proceed to the reduction of that place in such manner as circumstances, and your own judgement, may dictate.71To "take the key of Vicksburg," Grant selected General Sherman. Grant trusted Sherman -- both had been born in Ohio and both had graduated from West Point (Sherman in 1840 and Grant in 1843).72 Their trust in one another would only increase as the war progressed. Fifteen months later, Grant would give Sherman command in the west as he traveled east to assume overall command of the entire Union army.
In preparation for the Vicksburg Campaign, Samuel Kirkman's division was reorganized in Memphis and reported for duty to General Sherman, to whom it appeared in grand review on November 27th.73 As a result of this reorganization, Samuel Kirkman's Company K of the 77th Illinois regiment was now part of the 2nd Brigade of the 1st Division of the 13th Army Corps.74 The Company K Muster Roll for November/December, 1862 showed Samuel Kirkman to be present.75
On December 20, 1862, the 77th Illinois, forming a part of Sherman's Army, boarded the steamer "Duke of Argyle" and, early the following day, proceeded down the Mississippi River.76-A William Wiley commented about the Union fleet that they were now a part of:Having all aboard by 2 p.m., we started down the Mississippi River with flags flying, bands playing and the men cheering. Our fleet of gunboats and transports, some 75 or 80 in all made an imposing sight as we floated down the river.76-BThe following day, they reached the small town of Friars Point, Mississippi. A number of Union soldiers left the boats and went into town, where it was reported to them that the citizens of the town had recently captured some Union soldiers, nailed them up in sugar hogsheads and rolled them into the river. In retaliation for this, the Union soldiers raided the stores in town and set fire to a number of buildings before their superior officers could put a stop to their actions.76-C Daniel Allen, who had left the transport boat to draw a sketch of the impressive Union fleet, noticed the black smoke rising from the town. In his journal, he wrote of "a great many soldiers gathering around, and [the town] was set on fire by them, probably for the purpose of plunder." 76-D Private Allen may not have known about the rumor that had precipitated the soldiers' anger, for his next letter to his wife and sister openly questioned the cause that he was fighting for:Alas, alas, how long am I doomed to witness such scenes, will a cause conducted in this brutal way be successful[?] I do firmly believe that the Lord of Hosts has abandoned our cause, and given up this once happy nation to destruction, and will bring this cruel, this brutal war, to rest upon the heads of these blood thirsty northern abolitionists, who will be satisfied with nothing but fire and the sword. I am discouraged; disgusted with men who have left helpless families at home, go in for destroying even the houses, and burning them over the heads of helpless women and children, after everything else they possess has been carried off. But what business is all of this to me, I am a soldier now, but I still have a heart that can feel, and I trust I can yet tell the difference between right and wrong, although I entirely cut off from civilized life, and from all the refinements of society.76-EEach day, the Union fleet moved deeper into the South. After passing Halls Point and Gaines' Landing (which the Union army also set fire to), the soldiers of the 77th Illinois spent their first Christmas in the army at Milliken's Bend, just a dozen or so miles from Vicksburg.76-FChristmas of 1862, however, was anything but restful. The men of the 77th Illinois were marched 37 miles to Dallas, Louisiana, where they tore up Confederate railroad tracks and set fire to the depot and several warehouses filled with corn and cotton.76-G
On Saturday, December 27th, the army landed 10 miles from the mouth of the Yazoo River, near Chickasaw Bayou. It was here that, 84 days after leaving Peoria, the 77th Illinois Volunteer Infantry participated in its first battle -- the Battle of Chickasaw Bayou.
Chickasaw Bayou, which would also be referred to as Chickasaw Bluffs or Chickasaw Swamp, was a low, wet swamp off the Yazoo River north of Vicksburg. The Union's plan was to advance through the bayou and defeat whatever enemy forces they encountered there en route to Vicksburg. Unfortunately for them, the bayou was filled with fallen trees, logs, and vines that made it very difficult to advance. More importantly, the Confederates had established a strong defensive position atop the bluffs.76-H
The Union army at Sherman's command was approximately 32,000 strong.77 The placement of Union troops (from left to right) was as follows: 4th Division (commanded by Brigadier General Frederick Steele), 3rd Division (commanded by Brigadier General George Washington Morgan), 2nd Division (commanded by Colonel Morgan Lewis Smith) and 1st Division (commanded by Brigadier General Andrew Jackson Smith). It was within the 1st Division, near the extreme right of the Union line that Samuel Kirkman's 77th Illinois was stationed. Had Job Benjamin not deserted 4 1/2 months earlier, he would have been positioned on the opposite flank of the Union army, in Steele's 4th Division.78-A
Shortly after daybreak on Sunday, December 28th, the Union army was marched forward about six or seven miles toward the "roar of the cannons." About a mile short of the rebel positions, the soldiers of the 77th Illinois were halted for a few moments.78-B William Wiley described the feelings of many a soldier who were about to encounter their first taste of battle:About daylight we were on the extreme right of the Union line. Our right resting on the Mississippi River. The troops on our left having encountered the rebel out works. The battle being meanest in that direction. This being our first introduction to Johnny reb and the smoke and music of the battle. We felt strange sensations crawling up our backs and out to the ends of our hairs.78-CAfter a brief pause, the 77th Illinois was sent forward as skirmishers. As they advanced through the difficult terrain, they soon encountered hostile fire from Confederate pickets.78-D In their regimental history, Major John A. Bering and Captain Thomas Montgomery of the 48th Ohio Volunteer Infantry described the advance they made alongside the 77th Illinois:. . . we soon reached the skirmish line of the 77th Ills. We then advanced with them in line of battle, through a dense forest of live-oak and cypress, covered with Spanish moss. We drove the enemy's pickets about a mile, when we came in sight of their fortifications, situated on a high hill, in front of which they had cut down the timber.78-EDaniel Allen of the 77th Illinois, who along with the other musicians and hospital attendants, were kept toward the rear to take care of the wounded, described the advance in his journal:Proceeded about 1/2 mile through the woods when we were fired upon right and left. Soon came where the road was blocked up by fallen trees, got through the woods, came in sight of a hill on the top of which were rebel batteries, made a halt to reconnoiter. One of the rebel pickets was killed and 2 others wounded in the skirmish. We waited some two or three hours and stood in plain sight of the rebels, expecting they would fire on us from the fort.78-FWilliam Wiley of the 77th Illinois described this same encounter:We drove the rebel outpost into their intrenchments and took position a short distance from their works which we held until night. The rebs making it pretty hot for us as they rained their shot and shell around us in a very careless manner cutting the tree tops off over our heads and shot and pieced of shell barking the trees all around us. We held our ground until night when we fell back about half a mile where we lay on our arms until morning.78-GOn December 27th and 28th, the Union army had skirmished with the enemy as they reconnoitered the enemy positions. It was clear to General Sherman that A.J. Smith's Division would not be able to cross the bayou because of the heavy fire that could be directed upon them from the enemy fortifications immediately in front of them. There were only two locations that Sherman deemed passable, both facing dry sandbars. One was in front of General Morgan's Division and the other was in front of General M.L. Smith's Division. Both of these assault points were to the left of the 77th Illinois' position.79
General Sherman's strategy for taking Chickasaw Bayou was to first begin a diversionary attack from either Union flank, broaden this attack along the entire Union line, and then break across the bayou at the two designated points and establish a foothold on the foothills and bluffs. Sherman estimated the enemy's number at 15,000.80 The plan changed, however, when General Morgan L. Smith was shot in the hip and relieved of command. The loss of General Morgan Smith prompted Sherman to shift overall command of the planned southern crossing point to General A.J. Smith (division commander for the 77th Illinois).81
On Monday, December 29, 1862, the troops were readied for the assault. General Sherman described the assault:At about noon, I gave the orders and signal for the main attack [to begin]. A heavy artillery fire opened along our whole line, and was replied to by the rebel batteries, and soon the infantry line opened heavily, especially on A.J. Smith's front.82Three brigades from three different divisions fought their way across the difficult terrain under murderous enemy fire. Samuel Kirkman's brigade remained with the main force. Positioned at the extreme right of the Union army, the 77th Illinois experienced little more than sporadic fire and shelling, as described by Daniel Allen:Our regiment lay flat on the ground, watching every move, and as often as a rebel showed himself they fired at him, and thus they lay all afternoon. Every now and then a shell would come whizzing by our heads.83-ABut the real action that day was on the left and center of the Union line, far from the 77th Illinois' position. While Union artillery was rendered nearly useless by the terrain, rebel gunners were able to fire from the bluffs overhead.83-B Some of the Union soldiers successfully crossed the bayou and took position within lodgments of the bluff directly below the enemy. Others who had successfully crossed the bayou scooped out makeshift caves in the muddy bank for protection.84 Despite these isolated successes, Union reinforcements could not reach these lodgments, and the overall assault failed.85 Sherman admitted, "our loss had been pretty heavy, and we had accomplished nothing, and had inflicted little loss on our enemy." 86
General Sherman's plan to coordinate another land assault, supported this time by Admiral Porter's gunboat fleet, was thwarted by dense fog on December 31st. Confederate reinforcements arrived the next day, further strengthening the rebel defenses. Reluctantly, Sherman abandoned his attempt to take Chickasaw Bayou.87 Historian Victor Hicken summed up the campaign:The story of the attack at Chickasaw Bayou is a sad one, indeed, and one for which there was little excuse. Hurriedly planned and carried out in a disorganized fashion, the three-day movement ended in defeat ... On December 29th, the day was filled with error and tragedy. The attack was poorly timed and uncoordinated, regiments lost their brigade commanders, and there was poor artillery support ... Nothing was gained, and the Federal losses for the three-day affair were 1,776 in killed, wounded and missing.88After four days of fighting, the first Union attempt to capture the city of Vicksburg was abandoned, and the army embarked on their boats and proceeded ten miles upriver to Milliken's Bend, Louisiana.89 The year 1862 ended with Samuel Kirkman at Milliken's Bend, Louisiana "to rest or to make preparations for conquest in some other direction." 90
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.© 2002 by Bart Benjamin .
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.1862 FOOTNOTES 1. Robert Underwood Johnson and Clarence Clough Buel, eds., Battles and Leaders of the Civil War (New York: Castle Books, 1956), IV., 429.
2. Ward, p. 95.
3. Ulysses S. Grant, Personal Memoirs of U.S. Grant (New York: Library Classics of the United States, Inc., 1990), p. 172.
4. Ward, p. 95.
5. Whitelaw Reid, Ohio in the War (Columbus: Eclectic Publishing Company, 1893), p. 440; Boatner, pp. 395-396.
6. John Y. Simon, "Fort Donelson," in The Civil War Battlefield Guide, ed. Frances H. Kennedy (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1990), p. 18.
7. Hicken, p. 34. Lew Wallace would later immortalize himself in two ways: in 1865, he served on the military commission that tried the alleged conspirators who assassinated President Lincoln and much later, he wrote the famous novel Ben Hur.
8. Simon, p. 18.
9. Hicken, p. 33.
10. Ibid., pp. 34-35.
11. Ibid., p. 36.
12. Ibid.
13. Ward, p. 98.
14. Simon, p. 16.
15. Ibid., p. 19.
16. Ward, "An Interview with Shelby Foote," p. 267.
17. Johnson and Buel, I, 537.
18. Ward, "An Interview with Shelby Foote," p. 267.
19. Ward, p. 112.
20. Ibid., p. 114.
21. Ibid., p. 116.
22. Ibid., p. 120.
23. MacDonald, p. 24.
24. Grant, p. 236.
25. Ibid., p. 224.
26. Ibid., pp. 225-226 and 236.
27. Reid, p. 440.
28. from Co. C Muster Roll, from the National Archives.
29. George A. Reaves III, "Shiloh," in The Civil War Battlefield Guide. ed. Frances H. Kennedy (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1990), p. 31.
30. Ward, pp. 120-121.
31. Ibid., p. 121.
32. Reaves, p. 35.
33. Ward, p. 121.
34-A. William Tecumseh Sherman, Memoirs of General W.T. Sherman (New York: Library Classics of the United States, Inc., 1990), p. 279; Johnson and Buel, I, 537; Grant, p. 248; Boatner, p. 412.
34-B. Grant, p. 248.
35. Richard L. Kiper, Major General John Alexander McClernand: Politician in Uniform, (Kent, Ohio: The Kent State University Press, 1999), pp. 1-26.
36. Sherman, pp. 248-252.
37. Reid, p. 440.
38. from Co. C Muster Roll, from the National Archives.
39. Boatner, p. 751.
40. Sherman, p. 279; Boatner, p. 412.
41. Reid, p. 440.
42. Benjamin, pp. 8-10.
43. Bentley, p. 14.
44. from Bureau of Pensions form completed by Kirkman on April 6, 1915.
45-A. Illinois at Vicksburg. Vicksburg Military Park Commission, (Chicago: Blakely, 1907), page 239.
45-B. Winschel, p. 3-4. (footnote 22)
46. Bentley, pp. 16, 17, 27, 28.
47. Ibid., p. 19.
48. Ibid., pp. 19-25.
49. Reid, p. 440.
50-A. Ibid., pp. 440 441.
50-B. Willison, p. 24.
51. from Co. C Muster Roll for July-August, 1862, from the National Archives.
52-A. Wiley, p. 277.
52-B. Willison, p. 26.
53. Sherman, p. 279.
54. Benjamin, pp. 8-10.
55. Wiley, p. 289.
56. from Co. C Muster Roll for July-August, 1862, from the National Archives.
57. from Co. C Descriptive List of Deserters Arrested, from the National Archives.
58. from Co. C Muster Roll for November-December, 1863, from the National Archives.
59. from Company C, 76th Ohio Returns Roll, from the National Archives.
60. from Report of the Adjutant General's Office, Washington, D.C., November 21, 1888, from the National Archives. This report was in reply to Job Benjamin's application for pension of May 22, 1888.
61-A. Winschel, p. 11.
61-B. Bentley, p. 26.
61-C. Jerry Korn, War on the Mississippi (Alexandria, VA: Time-Life Books, 1985), p. 70; Bentley, p. 59.
61-D. Daniel Allen letter, Oct. 6, 1862, courtesy Peoria Historical Society Collection, Bradley University Library.
61-E. Ibid.
62. Bentley, pp. 96-97.
63. Ibid., p. 97.
64-A. Ibid., pp. 97-99.
64-B. Daniel Allen letter, Oct. 27, 1862, courtesy Peoria Historical Society Collection, Bradley University Library.
65-A. Bentley, p. 99- 100; Winschel, p. 19-20.
65-B. Bentley, pp. 103-104.
65-C. Daniel Allen journal entry, Nov. 14, 1862, courtesy Peoria Historical Society Collection, Bradley University Library.
65-D. Winschel, p. 21.
66-A. from Adjutant General's Report, page 682; Bentley, p. 102.
66-B. Daniel Allen letter, Nov. 18, 1862, courtesy Peoria Historical Society Collection, Bradley University Library.
67-A. Bentley, p. 104.
67-B. Winschel, p. 23.
68-A. from Adjutant General's Report, page 682; Illinois at Vicksburg. page 239.
68-B. Daniel Allen letter, Dec. 2, 1862, courtesy Peoria Historical Society Collection, Bradley University Library.
68-C. Daniel Allen letter, Dec. 9, 1862, courtesy Peoria Historical Society Collection, Bradley University Library.
69. Bentley, pp. 107-108.
70-A. Ward, p. 212.
70-B. Ibid., pp. 124-127.
70-C. Kiper, pp. 136-142.
70-D. Ibid., pp. 146-155.
71. Grant, p. 287.
72. MacDonald, pp. 133 and 157.
73. Bentley, pp. 105-106.
74. Ibid., pp. 107-108.
75. from Co. K Muster Roll, from the National Archives.
76-A. from Adjutant General's Report, page 682; Bentley, pp. 106-107; Winschel, p. 26.
76-B. Winschel, p. 26.
76-C. Ibid.
76-D. Daniel Allen journal entry, Dec. 22, 1862, courtesy Peoria Historical Society Collection, Bradley University Library.
76-E. Daniel Allen letter, Dec. 23, 1862, courtesy Peoria Historical Society Collection, Bradley University Library.
76-F. Winschel, p. 27.
76-G. Ibid., p. 27 (footnote 6).
76-H. Winschel, p. 29 (and footnote 8); Boatner, pp. 153-154.
77. Boatner, p. 153.
78-A. Sherman, pp. 313, 308-309.
78-B. Daniel Allen letter, Jan. 3, 1863, courtesy Peoria Historical Society Collection, Bradley University Library; Winschel, pp. 28-29.
78-C. Winschel, p. 28.
78-D. Daniel Allen letter, Jan. 3, 1863.
78-E. John A. Bering and Thomas Montgomery, History of the Forty-Eighth Ohio Veteran Volunteer Infantry. (Hillsboro, Ohio: Highland News Office, 1880), from the website created by Don D. Worth and Stephen E. Williams at http://www.48ovvi.org/index.html, Chapter VIII.
78-F. Daniel Allen journal entry, Dec. 28, 1862, courtesy Peoria Historical Society Collection, Bradley University Library.
78-G. Winschel, p. 29.
79. Sherman, p. 313.
80. Ibid., p. 314.
81. Ibid., p. 313.
82. Ibid., p. 314.
83-A. Daniel Allen journal entry, Dec. 29, 1862, courtesy Peoria Historical Society Collection, Bradley University Library.
83-B. Boatner, p. 153.
84. Sherman, p. 315.
85. Boatner, pp. 153-154.
86. Sherman, pp. 314-315.
87. Boatner, p. 154.
88. Hicken, pp. 95-96.
89. from Adjutant General's Report, page 682; Illinois at Vicksburg, page 239; Bentley, p. 110.
90. Bentley, p. 110.
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Last Updated: February 1, 2002